The Black Death in London (41 page)

522  
Cohn 2003, 8.

523  
Benedictow 2004, 20.

524  
For bubonic outbreaks, Cohn (2003, 19) quotes 2.68 per cent for Bombay City in 1903; Benedictow (2004, 31) tabulates an overall mortality rate for the Bombay Presidency of 2.38 per cent in 1897–8, but with local figures up to 36 per cent in smaller settlements such as Ibrampur. Thielman and Cate (2007, 385) quote similar ranges from three Manchurian outbreaks in 1910–21 of 2 per cent up to 25 per cent in some villages.

525  
Temperatures between 18°C and 27°C and a relative humidity of 70 per cent are ideal, whereas temperatures below 7°C are deleterious to all developmental stages except the adult, Duncan and Scott 2005, 316.

526  
For example, Horrox 2006; Wray 2004.

527  
Drancourt et al. 1998; Raoult et al. 2000; Wood and DeWitte-Avina 2003; Prentice et al. 2004; Thomas et al. 2004; Drancourt et al. 2007; Haensch et al. 2010.

528  
Gasquet 1893, 7–8.

529  
Bean 1963, 426.

530  
Shrewsbury 1970, 3, 6.

531  
Ell 1979.

532  
Siraisi 1982, 11. Siraisi was concerned about the capacity for bacteria to mutate.

533  
Twigg 1984; reviewed by Wilkinson 1985; Gottfried 1986; Palmer 1987.

534  
Bean 1982, 26–7.

535  
Davis 1986; Audoin-Rouzeau 1999; McCormick 2003.

536  
Karlsson 1996; Steffensen 1974.

537  
Scott and Duncan 2001; 2004.

538  
For example,
http://scienceblogs.com/aetiology/2008/01/did_yersinia_pestis_really_cau_1.php
. For a pro-bubonic review of Scott and Duncan by the director of the King’s Centre for Military Health Research at King’s College London, see
www.guardian.co.uk/books/2004/aug/14/features-reviews.guardianreview

539  
Cohn 2002; 2003.

540  
Wood et al. 2003.

541  
Baillie 2006.

542  
Eisen et al. 2006.

543  
Given-Wilson 2004, 1–20.

544  
For example, Benedictow (1994, 128) bases much on the dates; Ziegler (1969, 92–3) is far more circumspect; Shrewsbury (1970, 38) is non-committal.

545  
Gasquet 1893, 78; Hamilton-Thompson 1911, 316–7; Benedictow 2004, 124.

546  
Davis 1989; Woods et al. 2003, 437–41.

547  
WSA D 1/2/3; Fletcher 1922, 1–14.

548  
Fletcher, 1922, 6–7; Dorchester (9 miles north of Weymouth) replaced an incumbent on 19 October as did Wool. Blandford, Sturminster Newton and Salisbury (22, 30 and 50 miles north/north-east of Weymouth respectively) replaced clergy between 20 and 28 October.

549  
Dorchester: CPR, Ed III, Vol. 8, 185; Bincombe: CPR, Ed III, Vol. 8, 182; Bradford: CPR, Ed III, Vol. 8, 186; Tolpuddle and Piddlehinton (Hynpudel): CPR, Ed III, Vol. 8, 198; Portesham, Abbotsbury, Wareham and Owermoigne (Ogres): CPR, Ed III, Vol. 8, 202–3.

550  
Dr Mark Forrest, personal communication.

551  
Chanter 1910, 92–8.

552  
Rees 1923, 29; Benedictow 2004, 128. Rees references CIPM, Ed III, Vol. 9, no 104 which does not mention pestilence. The only relevant reference is no 353, the inquisition into the holdings of Andrew Braunche held in Frome on 12 August 1349.

553  
Shrewsbury 1970, 57; CFR, Ed III, Vol. 6, 182, 198; Bere Regis and Charminster lie between 10 and 20 miles north/north-east of Weymouth.

554  
If the pestilence had begun to kill in early September, it must have actually made (invisible) landfall some time earlier. Benedictow (2004, 124) argues sixteen to twenty-three days (for bubonic plague), Scott and Duncan (2005, 162) suggest thirty-two days (haemorrhagic plague), before symptoms manifest. This would put its biological landfall
(not
its outward recognition) at around early or mid-August.

555  
Bowsher et al. 2007, Vol. 1, 155; CD Table 5; CD Table 22.

556  
Thomas et al. 2006, 92.

557  
Armitage 2001, 85; Liddle 2007.

558  
Ainsley 2001, 132; Twigg 1984, 80; Pipe 2007, 88, 95.

559  
Wilson 2005, 141; Jones et al. 1985, 604; Ayres and Serjeantson 2002, 170.

560  
Shrewsbury 1970, 35; see also Cohn 2003, 30 for a refutation of this theory.

561  
Baillie 2006, 34–9; Hallam 1984, 128.

562  
Benedictow 2004, 135–77.

563  
Cohn 2003, 192; fig. 8.8.

564  
Cohn 2003, 205–7.

565  
DeWitte and Woods 2008.

566  
Harvey 2000, 22.

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